Proof Jefferson Presidential
Proof Jefferson Presidential
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Proof of Thomas Jefferson's Rights - Part 1 of 2
Private Schooling by Wayne Bell
Considerable diversity was evident among the 27,223 private elementary and secondary schools that existed in the United States in the autumn of 1999. "Other religious schools" were the most numerous at 49 percent; followed by Catholic schools, at 30 percent; and then nonsectarian schools, accounting for 22 percent of all private schools. Parochial (parish) schools were the most numerous among Catholic schools, followed by diocesan and then private religious order schools. There were more conservative Christian or unaffiliated schools than affiliated ones (those affiliated with a specific denomination) in the "other religious" category. Regular schools, followed by special emphasis and then special education schools, were the most numerous among the schools not affiliated with a denomination or religious association.
The region with the most private schools, but not necessarily with the highest enrollment, was the South (30%); the West had the fewest (20%). Most private schools (82%) maintained a regular elementary/secondary program.
Private school students numbered 5,162,684 in the fall of 1999, representing approximately 10 to 11 percent of the total elementary and secondary enrollment in the United States. Approximately 49 percent of these students were in Catholic schools, about 36 percent were in other religious schools, and about 16 percent were in schools not affiliated with any religious denomination. Approximately 77 percent of private school students were white, non-Hispanic; 9 percent were black, non-Hispanic; 8 percent were Hispanic; 4 percent were Native American/Native Alaskan; and 5 percent were Asian/Pacific Islander. About half (49%) attended schools that were in urban areas, approximately 40 percent attended schools that were located in an urban fringe or a large town, while only 11 percent attended schools in rural America.
These students were taught by 395,317 full-time equivalent (FTE) teachers. Catholic schools employed 38 percent and other religious schools had 39 percent of FTE teachers. The remainder were in schools that were not affiliated with any religious denomination.
What Is a Private School?
Private schools (sometimes known as nonpublic schools) exist in the United States as corporate entities separate from public schools, which are supported by the government. Though they differ widely in function, geographical location, size, organizational pattern, and means of control, these schools have two features in commonâthey are ordinarily under the immediate control of a private corporation (religious or nonaffiliated), not of a government agency or board; and they are supported primarily by private funds. They are characterized by a process of double selection because the schools select their teachers and students and the parents select the schools for their children.
History of Private Schools in the United States
Private schools date back to the schools opened by Catholic missionaries in Florida and Louisiana in the sixteenth century, which predated the beginning of formal education in Massachusetts. These Catholic schools were the offspring of missionary zeal. The distinction between public and private, of such importance during the second half of the nineteenth century and throughout the twentieth century, was not an issue in colonial North America. Schools quite frequently were the products of combined efforts of ecclesiastical and civil authorities, along with parental support, the latter often constituting the primary factor in the schooling of the young. No one pattern existed across the colonies; the government had no de facto monopoly in the operation of schools anywhere. Some schools were free, some were supported by a combination of financial sources, and some relied solely on tuition. There were "old field" schools (schools that existed in abandoned fields in the South), and proprietary schools, which taught trades. In New England there were town schools, which existed alongside private schools; there were dame schools (taught by literate women in their homes) and writing schools. The Latin Grammar School, such as the one in Boston, often was the crown of the schools. In some places denominational schools were, in effect, public schools, operating under civil and religious supervision, with the goals of inculcating the essentials of faith and knowledge and making good citizens of the church and commonwealth. By the end of the colonial period the institution of school was firmly rooted on the American continent. But nothing resembled the modern concept of secular, free, compulsory, universal schooling.
The national period. Men such as Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Rush, George Washington, and Noah Webster were among the leaders of the new nation who saw the need for intelligent leadership, an informed citizenry, and an educated professional class. Their proposals, however, had little impact on schooling arrangements. Quasi-public town schools, charity schools for the poor, and a variety of private schools for those who could afford them existed. As the nineteenth century opened, schooling was widely available without a government mandate. The line between public and private remained blurred; diversity of schooling persisted.
The common school periodâthe age of the academies. The combination of industrialization, urbanization, and immigration (mainly Irish) into the northeast, complemented by the civil disarray in Europe, led Horace Mann, Henry Barnard, and others to push for a "common school" that would forge an American identity. Private schools, especially those of a religious nature, were looked upon as divisive, even un-American. The universal, free, compulsory primary school, open to all, allegedly religiously neutral (but in practice Protestant) was the result. Meanwhile, the academies, both in the North and South, functioned as the major educational institutions at the "middle" level. Ranging from boarding schools for the upper class to institutions that barely surpassed, if at all, the common schools, the academies reached their peak about 1850 when they numbered approximately 6,000. As was the case with the colonial schools, the distinction between "public" and "private" was largely meaningless then. Often popular, local, and with a rural character, the academies overlapped curricular levels, offered a variety of subjects, were flexible with regard to the individual student, and served as an "opener-upper" for girls for formal schooling beyond the elementary level. They often received tax and land subsidies, and sometimes tuition assistance, from local and state governments. They were to succumb in popularity, with some exceptions, to the rise of the public high school that accompanied the growing industrialization and urbanization following the Civil War (1861â1865).
In the wake of the Civil War. Following the Civil War, universal public schooling, separate by race and unequal, began at the primary level in the South. In the North, government regulatory activity increased. Private schools, especially those religiously affiliated, were often looked upon as being "un-American." This allegation was hurled at Roman Catholic schools, in particular, founded as a defense against first the pan-Protestant nature of public schools, and second the secular, "Americanizing" school, each of which was perceived as a threat to the faith of a poor, besieged, immigrant population. Despite the widespread poverty of its members, the Catholic Church continued to found and operate parish elementary schools, able to do so because of the dedication of a teaching corps of vowed religious women, commitment from its members, the drive of its leaders, and ethnic concerns. The sometimes violent activities of the Know-Nothing Party, the American Protective Association, and the Masons that were directed against Catholics testified to the depth and breadth of anti-Catholic prejudice in American society, prejudice that was fanned by some statements of Catholic leaders, for example, the Syllabus of Errors by Pope Pius IX in 1864. Other denominations had also established private elementary schools. The Old School Presbyterians, for example, established almost 300 schools in the mid-nineteenth century, mainly because of concern over the alleged secularism of the common schools. For the most part, with the exception of the Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod, the schools founded by Protestant denominations did not endure.
Statistics for the percentage of enrollment in American Kâ12 private schools in the latter part of the nineteenth century reveal that in 1879 private secondary enrollment made up 73.3 percent of the total; by 1889â1890, in the wake of the growth of public secondary education, that figure had dropped to 31.9 percent. By 1900, 7.6 percent of the total school enrollment was in private schools.
In the latter years of the nineteenth century, government regulatory activity in educational affairs increased. Doubts were cast on the ability and desire of some private schools, especially those with an "old-world" connection, to foster citizenship among their pupils. Laws were passed, as in Wisconsin and Illinois, that attempted to control or perhaps eliminate private schools. In 1889, for instance, Wisconsin passed the Bennett Law, which defined a school as a place where the subjects were taught in the English language and which required students to attend a school in the public school district within which they resided. Following a bitter political campaign, the law was repealed, in large measure because of the efforts of a Catholic-Lutheran alliance, many of whose schools were threatened because of their adherence to the German language and customs.
The impact of World War I. World War I (1914â1918) provided a major impetus to patriotism and an espousal of all things "American." The nation looked to its schools to instill loyalty and civic virtue in its youth. The decade following the war witnessed a startling rise of membership in the Ku Klux Klan, a "Red Scare," and vitriolic anti-Catholicism in the presidential campaign of 1928. Private schools, especially those connected with anything foreign, in particular German, were under suspicion of being disloyal. Government regulation of these schools grew; parental rights in the schooling of their children were under duress. Three U.S. Supreme Court decisions in the 1920s stand as testimony to the struggles that engulfed private schools and parental rights in those years, struggles against the allegations of some in government and their allies, who attempted to eradicate or at least minimize them. The first decision (Meyer v. Nebraska) was issued in 1923 as a result of a Nebraska law that forbade the teaching of a foreign language to any student prior to the ninth grade. Robert Meyer, a teacher in a Lutheran school, disregarded the law and tutored a boy in German. The Court upheld Meyer's right to teach and the parents' right to engage him, maintaining that the allegation by the state that a given practice endangered it was not sufficient to limit Meyer's and the parents' rights; Nebraska had not shown proof of any such danger.
The second decision, even more crucial for the rights of parents in education and of private schools came in Oregon as a result of Pierce v. Society of Sisters in 1925. Following a referendum, Oregon enacted a statute that required all Oregonians between the ages of eight and sixteen to attend a public school while such was in session, on the grounds that such attendance was necessary to produce good citizens (private schools were, obviously, socially divisive under this interpretation). The Court struck down the Oregon law on the basis of the Fourteenth Amendment, because the law's enforcement might have resulted in the closure of the appellee's primary schools, thus violating their due process rights. In interesting further comments, the Court declared that parents have the right to send their children to private schools that provide religious as well as secular education. The child, the Court held, "is not the mere creature of the state."
The third decision was issued in 1927 in Farrington v. Tokushige. This decision again limited the rights of the government and protected the rights of parents and private schools, this time Japanese-language schools in Hawaii. The decision was based on the Fifth Amendment. The court held that the law would have violated the due process property interests of the parents and schools that might have led to the schools' closure.
The mid-twentieth century. Private schools experienced phenomenal growth in the years during and following World War II (1939â1945), increasing by 118 percent, compared with 36 percent in the public sector, and enrolling 13.6 percent of the total elementary-secondary school population in 1959â1960, up from 9.3 percent in 1939â1940 and 11.9 percent in 1949â1950. Assuming an average cost of $500 per pupil in the 1960s in public schools, private schools saved state and local governments roughly $31 billion during that decade. Private schools also became embroiled in a number of legal struggles during that period, struggles that focused on religiously affiliated private schools. In the next several decades the Supreme Court upheld public bus transportation to private schools and the loan of secular textbooks to the schools, and forbade most other kinds of aid on the grounds that such aid violated the establishment clause of the First Amendment that requires the separation of church and state. The basic legal principles on which the Court based its decisions were that: (1) the legislation must have a secular legislative purpose; (2) the principal or primary effect of the legislation could not violate religious neutrality; and (3) the legislation could not foster "excessive entanglement" between church and state (these were collectively known as the "Lemon Test," because of Lemon v. Kurtzman, 1979). The Court also invoked the "child benefit" principle, which identifies the child as the principle beneficiary of government aid. Indirect aid that flowed to the parents and through them to the schools had a better fate than direct aid to the private schools themselves.
In the midst of the debate regarding the legality of government aid to nonpublic or private schools, Catholic schools reached their all-time enrollment high in 1965â1966 with 5.6 million pupils, constituting 87 percent of private school enrollment. Catholic enrollment plummeted in the years following, stabilizing some years later. Meanwhile, Christian Day Schools, founded by evangelical and fundamentalist Christians, were established and proliferated. The number of these private school institutions founded between the mid-1960s and the early 1980s has been calculated at between 4,000 and 18,000, with an enrollment range from 250,000 to more than 1.5 million. The best estimates seem to be between 9,000 and 11,000 schools with a student population of around 1 million.
The charge of elitism. One of the most serious charges leveled at private schools of all types by their opponents is that they are "elitist." Several major studies were conducted in the 1980s that would seem to belie that accusation. One of these was Inner-City Private Elementary Schools, conducted in 1982, which was sponsored by the Catholic League for Religious and Civil Rights. Using a randomly selected sample of sixty-four schools in eight cities, fifty-four of which were Title I recipients, and with a minority population of at least 70 percent, this study found strong support for these schools by their patrons. Residing in rundown facilities, beset with financial problems, the majority operated under Catholic auspices, but with a third of the student body Protestant, these schools provided a safe environment, emphasized basic learning skills, and fostered moral values in their pupils. The academic achievement of minority students in Catholic secondary schools, which surpassed that of minority students in their public counterparts, was reported by the priest-sociologist Andrew Greeley. Further, the overall minority enrollment (African American, Hispanic American, Asian American, and Native American) had grown from 4 percent of the total private school population in 1970 to 11.2 percent in 1987.
But it was two controversial studies headed by the noted sociologist James S. Coleman that occupied center stage for private schools in the 1980s. The first, High School Achievement: Public, Catholic, and Private Schools Compared, which was published in 1982 and which Coleman cowrote with Thomas Hoffer and Sally Kilgore, produced results indicating not only that students in Catholic high schools and possibly other private secondary schools academically outperformed those in public schools, but also that these schools were more integrated racially than were their public counterparts. Coleman, Hoffer, and Kilgore claimed to have controlled for "selection bias" in this study; they also maintained that private schools provided a safer, more disciplined, and orderly environment than public schools. The second book, Public and Private High Schools: The Impact of Communities, which was published in 1987 and written by Coleman and Hoffer, continued the line of reasoning present in the 1982 work. In this second report the authors stated that the goals of education are determined by the social organization of schools, their communities, and the families that they serve. In "functional communities," in which the parents, teachers, and students know one another, schoolsâwhether public or privateâare more likely to be successful. "Social capital," the relationships that exist among parents, and the parents' relations with the institutions of the community that result promote high levels of academic achievement, particularly among students most at risk of school failure.
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Article Source: http://www.earticlesonline.com/Article/Private-Schooling/857588
